NSCN (K) marks a year of peace with Myanmar

A Naga man and his family from Khamoi, a Naga village in Myanmar, the first one after Longwa in Mon (Nagaland). After decades of political conflict the Nagas in Myanmar continue to remain underdeveloped. The April 9, 2012, ceasefire between NSCN (K) and the Government of Myanmar has provided an opportunity for some development initiatives to be undertaken in the Naga Self-Administered Zone.

Myanmar (Burma) freed itself from the British in 1948 but the political standing of the Nagas received formal recognition from the Government of Myanmar only in April 9 last year. In sync, limited markers of state machinery existed in the Naga areas. There were no post offices, jails, roads or courts. If justice was desired, either the customary courts catered to it, or the NSCN. After April 9, 2012, much of this began to change. The National Socialist Council of Nagaland, under the Chairmanship of S.S. Khaplang, signed a five point agreement for ceasefire with regional delegates of the Government of Myanmar at Khamti town in Sagaing Division (northwest of Myanmar). For the first time, state development activities were allowed in the Naga areas of Myanmar.

“After the 1980s, we took control of the Naga areas in Myanmar. We shot elephants and horses that were sent with building material,” reveals Y. Wangtin Naga, Kilonser of Ministry for Information and Publicity, NGOs and Public Relations, NSCN (K), to The Morung Express. “But development is essential for human progress, which the state is in a position to deliver. So we signed a ceasefire with them last year with peace and development in mind,” he iterates. Following the ceasefire, cadres of the NSCN (K) are allowed to move unarmed throughout the country, and have a liaison office in Khamti. Thousands of citizens greeted the Naga delegation at Khamti harbor after this, led by the Naga Baptist Convention and Naga Yuya (apex body of Nagas in Myanmar).

At stake is development of, and for, the people. In the 2008 constitution of Myanmar, the Leshi, Lahe and Namyun Townships in Sagaing Division were recognized as the Naga Self-Administered Zone (NSAZ), making it one among five other self-administered zones owing to their cultural distinctness, geographical territory and population ratio. The NSCN (K) has, in addition, called for “self administration” in the Naga areas of Mawlaik, Phongpyn and Homlin in Sagaing Division, and Tanai (Teniang) and Shingbwiyang areas in Kachin state. In 2009, there was one doctor and one middle school for the 96 villages in Lahe—this might now be in a position to transform.

Over the past year, news of investment in the region has come pouring in. Leaders from the Nagaland (India) Legislative Assembly have spearheaded talks with leaders of the NSAZ, as they have initiatives like the recently inaugurated international trade road at Longwa, Mon. A total of USD 7.048837 has been directly invested through the Government of India (2 million) and the Government of Myanmar (5.048837 million) into the Naga areas in Myanmar.

The ground reality, however, is different for the people. Not much of these funds have been seen translated to real work. The military presence in the Naga areas has increased in order to monitor the ceasefire, and Buddhist set-ups have cropped up in the name of education. There are limited ways for people to monitor funds, though the Eastern Naga Students Association and Naga People Development Foundation have volunteered. But problems are larger.  Unlike in Nagaland, Naga people in Myanmar do not have the first right assured to the land. This makes the Nagas in Myanmar wonder if a five point agreement for ceasefire that resembles those signed with other ethnic groups of Myanmar will suffice. Fear remains that the ceasefire could go the Kachin way, disadvantaging the local populace.  “After the British left India, successive Indian governments have made more liberal policies for the Nagas in India than have been made in Burma,” reflects Wangtin.

“Nagas in Burma could not give the intellectual push needed for policy initiatives as compared to those in India due to the region’s steep underdevelopment.” This became one the reasons the NSCN (K) opted for a ceasefire and made peace and development its buzz words.

With more capacity will come better security and ideas is the expectation, but some things, according to Wangtin, will never change. “We were not a part of the Myanmar government, we are not and will never be. Therefore, Naga political history must be recognized.” As for the people, there can be no peace unless talks begin between the NSCN (K) and the Union of Myanmar that discusses the political rights of the Nagas.

Meanwhile, referring to the Naga peace talks with India, Wangtin says that a “surrender solution” as a result of “factional talks” will not be accepted by many sections of the movement and society. “Without bringing the NSCN (K) into full confidence, there can be no peace in the North East (of India),” he adds. The NSCN (K) is currently in ceasefires with both the Government of India as well as Myanmar, making it the first Naga group to be in a bilateral peace arrangement.